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Nearly a decade ago, a British court ordered a man named Sam Westrop to pay the equivalent of more than $173,000 in libel damages after he published an article on his website calling the founder of a London-based Islamic TV channel a “convicted terrorist.” This ruling stemmed from an evaluation of the evidence, which the court later deemed unreliable.
Westrop ultimately admitted that the claims he made were unfounded, leading to a correction on his website. The judge in the case emphasized, “There simply was no evidence to support the allegation of terrorism.”
Years later, Westrop repeated similar allegations regarding a group of Islamic private schools in Texas seeking participation in the state’s new school voucher program. His assertions suggested that the school leaders had affiliations with extremist groups, such as Hamas, which he communicated to the Texas Comptroller of Public Accounts.
In December, acting Comptroller Kelly Hancock sought legal advice on whether schools with supposed connections to the Chinese Communist government or those that had hosted events for the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) could be excluded from the voucher program. Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton subsequently ruled in favor of exclusion.
Westrop’s allegations played a significant role in prompting an investigation into the schools, resulting in a delay in their entry into the voucher program. Recent legal filings reveal that the investigation was broader than previously reported, with taxpayer funds allocated to investigate nearly 50 private schools accused of ties to radical Islamic organizations and the Chinese government.
The details surrounding the investigations and Westrop’s involvement have emerged from a lawsuit filed by four Islamic private schools against the comptroller, following their initial exclusion from the program. While the comptroller has since approved these schools, they are seeking class-action status to prevent future discrimination.
“Religious liberty is not a temporary pass issued after a lawsuit,” stated Eric Hudson, the attorney representing the Islamic schools. “We’re pressing on so equal treatment is the rule — not an exception granted under pressure.”
The comptroller’s office has opposed the class-action certification, arguing that the issue is moot since the schools have been allowed into the program. Nonetheless, the ongoing discourse reflects broader national sentiments concerning anti-Muslim rhetoric, particularly among some Texas political figures.
The comptroller’s office maintains that their review encompassed a wider array of private schools, asserting that their decisions were not influenced by specific religious affiliations. However, recent depositions contradict this narrative, revealing that investigations were indeed focused on schools with alleged extremist ties.
Murl Miller, the comptroller’s chief counsel, testified that the agency received information identifying almost 50 schools with alleged connections to extremist groups, and acknowledged that the investigation was not comprehensive due to limited resources.
Westrop has continued to publicize his claims, even collaborating with the Texas Public Policy Foundation, where he argues that the school voucher program could be exploited by extremist groups. His findings were published on the Middle East Forum, an outlet known for its advocacy of American interests in the Middle East.
The investigation into these schools raises concerns about the potential for discrimination based on religious affiliation, further complicated by political narratives that have gained traction in recent years. The comptroller’s office has indicated that their processes are evolving, yet the plaintiffs remain cautious about their long-term inclusion in the voucher program.
As this legal battle unfolds, it highlights the critical need for transparency and fairness in educational funding policies, particularly in a climate where religious and ethnic minorities may face undue scrutiny. The outcome may set important precedents for how such programs are administered in the future.
Misty Harris contributed research. Vianna Davila contributed reporting.
Disclosure: Texas Comptroller of Public Accounts and Texas Public Policy Foundation have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations, and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in The Texas Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.
